Manifesto of The Freedom Party
1. Introduction
The objects of The Freedom Party are to defend and restore the freedoms, traditions, unity,
identity and independence of the British people.
The Freedom Party believes that the freedoms of the people whose ancient roots lie in the
United Kingdom are being steadily encroached upon by a regime which falsely describes itself
as liberal. The basis of the nation in respect of its traditions and identity and other vital aspects
of its existence become less defensible as a result.
These freedoms are of two kinds. There are individual freedoms to hold beliefs and express
opinions, and there is the freedom of peoples as a whole to preserve their identity, culture and,
in the extreme, their existence.
Individual freedoms are under constant and increasing attack not, in general, by the
mechanisms employed by what are normally regarded as repressive states, but from the more
subtle methods which are now known as 'political correctness'.
Citizens generally do not fear arrest or imprisonment if they dissent from the liberal hegemony,
although one can find examples of such treatment, but fear social ostracism in its widest sense
which may include disadvantage to career and employment. The liberal media constantly
reinforces these fears by seeking to foment a belief that views held by a majority are, in fact,
execrated by nearly everyone. The dissenter is made to feel marginalised in the face of
inevitable triumph for a spectrum of opinion which is self-evidently correct in every particular.
An essentially extremist regime, in its intolerance of contrary opinion, is able to present itself as
its opposite.
The right of the society, community and people as a whole to maintain a continued existence
and homeland is denounced and traduced as morally wrong and socially backward - yet similar
rules are not to be applied to almost every other society and people in the world. Merely to
seek to debate such issues is something distasteful and to be, in as far as possible, suppressed.
Thus our society is being dismantled without even a substantial debate being allowed let alone
the democratic consent of its members.
Characteristic of the 'liberal' establishment is a near refusal to admit to any fault in the structure
of its ideas. Deficiencies in the results of its policies are generally attributed to a technical
failure in sufficiently vigorous implementation Thus error compounds error as bad policies are
further enforced.
The Freedom Party wishes to reverse the trends identified above and to encourage both
individuals and groups no longer to bear the diffuse sense of fear about the expression of views
and opinions which has been fomented by both government and media for several decades.
In short, we wish to see a massive expansion of democracy; the basis of which is freedom of
debate. We wish to see an expansion of an organic democracy in the form of direct
participation both in the process of voting and generally in the political process in its broadest
sense. Only an increase in freedoms can bring this about.
The Freedom Party does not necessarily disagree with much of the viewpoint put over by the
present regime.
It is often the case that liberals express views and intentions with which most people would
agree, and sometimes pass laws in accordance. Either the expressed intentions are not carried
forward in the form of law, or laws introduced are not enforced thus bringing about the
opposite result from that which the public is led to believe is the intention. The position
regarding illegal immigration into the United Kingdom is a prime example.
2. The Concept of the Nation
The Freedom Party believes that the nation state is the best bulwark against oppression.
Internationalisation, whatever its possible economic benefits, creates a democratic deficit. Who
shall represent the interests of the citizen as the nation state is eroded? The nation state is
increasingly needed at the very time when its legitimacy is being challenged. This strikes at the
heart of the social contract between citizen and state under which the state provides protections
for the citizen in exchange for his assent to general rules concerning his conduct.
Liberals evade the above contradiction both by defining the principal purpose of a society to be
almost entirely economic, by promising that a political representation increasingly remote from
them can perform the same function as a vigorous democracy, and by providing local forums
which maintain the trappings of office without the powers. The European project is a prime
example of these manoeuvres, as is the erosion of parliament and the near contempt with which
it is held by government.
The Freedom Party maintains that the British people is an entity with a real existence and deep
historical roots. Attempts to rewrite history in that Britain is a 'a nation of immigrants' are
fraudulent. Because of their island position the British were, until recently, a remarkably
coherent group.
We do not maintain the inherent superiority of any particular racial or cultural grouping, merely
that members of those groupings recognise the value to themselves of their inheritance.
All nations and peoples undergo change over time. What is happening in Britain goes far
beyond those processes. The make-up of the nation is being deliberately and very rapidly
altered without its members agreement. That is an affront to every principal of democracy.
3. Freedom
The Freedom Party wishes to see a British and legally enforcible convention guaranteeing the
rights of individuals and groups to replace the European Convention on Human Rights with its
European origins and enforcement procedure, and the current public order and race relations
legislation.
The present fudged Human Rights Act is unsatisfactory in that it merely requires that account
be taken of the provisions of the European Convention and is limited in its effect to public
organisations. The result has been that the practices of depriving people of fundamental rights
like freedom of expression and of censorship still continue.
Another example is that protection of employment is often unavailable to individuals if they
hold opinions contrary to orthodoxy outside the workplace. A careful balance needs to be
struck which allows employers to run their businesses effectively while recognising
fundamental democratic rights. At present, the framework of law encourages spurious claims to
tribunals while failing to protect fundamental rights.
4. Government
The entire governmental system encourages the dominance of the particular strand of opinion
now in power by two distinct mechanisms.
Firstly, those who wish to enter the elected political arena are increasingly also those dependent
on politics for their livings. This has debased political life in that all too many representatives
are merely ciphers for the small groups controlling the main parties.
Secondly, voting for the main parties does not offer any genuine alternative as regards the
greatest issues. Those main parties have increasingly moved towards the common ground of a
media approved liberal concensus. A broadening out of debate requires that a wider range of
opinion be heard. It is difficult to see how this can be achieved without the introduction of
proportional representation to allow new voices into elected bodies. At present, local
government often amounts to a permanent dominance by a particular party with an inevitable
deterioration in the quality of governance.
The result of the two above developments is what has been called an 'elective dictatorship'.
We wish to see parliament restored to full vigour and primacy.
Reform of the House of Lords by removing most hereditary peers has not strengthened
democracy but weakened it. Replacing unelected representatives with appointees owing their
positions to political patronage is a retrograde step. A logical solution would be a second
chamber composed partly of appointees by an independent non-political body, and partly of
directly elected representatives. It is vital that a second chamber should exist and be empowered
to offer independent review of the essentially party political legislative proposals examined by
the House of Commons.
We also favour a greater use of referenda where issues are essentially choices between two
alternatives.
5. The Economy
There are two core elements to a successful economy - the availability of employment and full
advantage being taken of technology to increase productivity. In both areas Britain's
performance since the 1970s has been poor and, in the case of employment, lamentable.
Of the two core objectives the Freedom Party believes that employment is the most important.
Mass unemployment is not only a miserable experience for the unemployed but also inexorably
leads to the growth of an underclass which is difficult to reintroduce into the workforce and an
enormous burden upon society in many different ways.
We believe that, for the last twenty years, there has been a misunderstanding concerning
unemployment.
The received view has been that the unemployed are the result of too high wages. In reality,
most unemployment results from a lack of demand. Firms do not generally refrain from
investment in productive capacity because of wage levels - although one can find examples of
this - but because they perceive that the risks are too great. If investment is followed by a
collapse in demand - a common experience since the 1970s - even the most potentially
profitable enterprise will disappoint. Government must create confidence that any upturn will
not be short-lived if private enterprise is to provided the capacity needed to bring down
unemployment to satisfactory levels.
The quality of a society is adversely affected by excessive levels of inequality. Low levels of
unemployment reduce inequality since the high levels of demand concomitant upon it are
particularly beneficial to the less-skilled in employment terms.
We draw attention to low levels of productivity in Britain when compared to many other
advanced economies. We believe that the major factor in this striking deficiency in our
economy is as much a lack of investment as worker inadequacy.
The Freedom Party also recognises the importance of manufacturing both as the principal
means of paying for imports and as an area of the economy which offers particular
opportunities to increase productivity by technical means. Yet manufacturing, despite its
importance, has been hollowed-out for thirty years by successive recessions and an attitude of
its being a poor relation in comparison with more fashionable activities.
What proportion of the national product should government spend? There are many
conflicting economic and other advantages and disadvantages which prevent there being an
unequivocal answer.
We believe that moving the taxation system towards a system of hypothecation would be
desirable in that the question of public spending would become more transparently democratic
in the light of there being no answer of absolute merit.
One of the lessons of the last several decades has been that the public, while in principle
supporting provision of public services, are reluctant in fact to support higher taxation since
their payments have all the appearance of donations to a bottomless pit of unknown practical
effectiveness in actual service provision. Hypothecated taxation would assist in obtaining
informed democratic assent to the levels of taxation imposed by government.
The use of referenda on key items of government expenditure would then be desirable. One
example is that some European countries spend a higher proportion of GDP on health care.
Should Britain do the same when taxpayers are assured that their expenditures will be
employed for this purpose?
6. Europe
The Freedom Party deplores the deception practised upon the British people with regard to the
European Union.
In the early 1970s, the British people were told that the "Common Market" was simply a trading arrangement. Today,
we face an EU constitution, the threat of a single currency, plus the creation of an European police force and legal system
very different from our common law. Stall holders are prosecuted for selling produce in pounds and ounces, whilst fisheries,
farming and small businesses are ruined by EU regulations. The expansion of the EU has heralded further immigration, and
Brussels keenly promotes political correctness and multiculturalism.
It is now an open secret that the intention of the European Union is to establish a European
superstate, yet British politicians continue to pretend that Britain's membership of Europe is
little more than the arrangement for free trade promised at the time of our original entry.
A part of the strategy, pursued internally within Britain, is to gradually divide it into
a number of provinces owing little to the nation state of which they were a part. Alarmist and
untrue propaganda is employed to frighten voters who wish to see reform of the process of creeping
integration. The Queen's Golden Jubilee celebrations showed that the British people are not,
and do not wish to be, the Euro-citizens that the Blair Labour government and most of the
political establishment wants them to become.
The Freedom Party is entirely opposed to the single European currency. The main purpose
behind monetary union is political in that a single currency would cement a European state, but
a fixed exchange rate is also an economic minefield as Britain discovered when it entered the
Exchange Rate Mechanism ten years ago. The present upturn in the economy dates directly
from our country's departure from the ERM in 1992.
A Freedom Party Government would hold a national referendum on Britain's continuing membership of the EU. We seek to
restore Britain as a sovereign nation, yet linked to other free European states by informal trading and cultural alliances.
7. Law and Order
Without excess caricature, the philosophy of the state concerning law and order is that
criminality is an issue to be dealt with by a small number of people within the police, while
citizens in general mind their own business for fear of accusations of intolerance or prejudice.
A climate of this kind tells the criminally inclined that there is little appetite to resist their
activities.
Law and order is a process which is organic to a society. The population at large cannot
distance itself from the issue of crime, leaving matters to a tiny number of professionals, and
expect there to be a peaceful and safe environment to live in.
The Freedom Party therefore wishes to encourage a climate within which citizens are not
discouraged from expressing their disapproval of crime, and are permitted to take reasonable
measures to protect themselves. Numerous cases have sent a message to the public that even to
resist the burglary of one's home when culprits are caught in the act carries a graver risk to
themselves from the law than to the criminal.
Our society should signal its repudiation of lawlessness by creating a greater perception that the
punishment will fit the crime. We favour making capital punishment available to judges for the
very worst offences of murder, for example the murder of children by paedophiles, the murder
of police officers, and terrorist murder. A more visible police presence is also an essential part
of the process of signalling intolerance of crime.
We support the use of 'zero tolerance' policing in areas where crime is of particular concern.
This has been shown to be effective from experience in the United States.
A high proportion of crime is linked to the use of illegal drugs. Tackling this problem should
enjoy a high priority, both in order to reduce crime and also to mitigate the serious health
problems engendered by substance abuse.
8. Education
There is now general agreement even within liberal circles that the system of public education
established during the 1960s has been a disaster. A substantial minority of the workforce are at
least partly illiterate and innumerate despite the expansion of education.
Education, however, has remained in the hands of a powerful lobby committed to the failed
approach, and which successive governments of both persuasions have been too timid to
effectively tackle. Neither the exceptionally capable nor the majority have been served well, as
both universities and employers know very well. Reforming education has become a vital and
overdue national imperative comparable with tackling the worst abuses of trade unionism
during the 1980s.
Defective education creates an inevitable vicious circle, in which the status of teachers is
lowered compounding recruitment difficulties and thus the quality of service provision.
Tertiary education has been massively expanded in recent years. A part of the motivation for
the expansion has been political, in that increases in the number of students in higher education
have the effect of massaging the unemployment figures. The quality and relevance of some
courses now available are to say the least dubious, and financial pressure on students and
educational institutions have increased.
A thorough review of post-school education is needed, which takes into account inadequate
supply of skilled workers in fields requiring craft training rather than university level education.
9. Health
It is easy to propose that all health care should be free in unlimited quantities.
The difficulty is that health care systems promising such a service are fraudulent. Instead of
direct rationing - in plain terms a simple refusal to provide treatment - there takes its place a
hidden system of rationing in the form of queues for treatment, a cut-price service and
reluctance to prescribe certain treatments. As medical science makes more and more treatments
available the potential cost of free treatment increases. Open recognition of this dilemma is the
key to moving forward our health services. This issue has been fudged for a very long period
by governments reluctant to admit the unavoidable realities.
There are two ways out. One is simply to increase the health budget and consequent taxation to
meet the bill. Another is to charge or part-charge for services more frequently - an existing
example is prescription charges.
We believe that the realities concerning the cost of health care should be placed openly on view
for informed public debate by responsible government. Sooner or later this must take place
against a growing chorus of justifiable complaint concerning standards of health care.
The best solution to a problem which very naturally arouses strong feelings may be a
compromise with hypothecated taxation bearing a portion of the burden, and some capped
charging for services. Elderly people who require nursing care should not be deprived of their
life savings without any cap to the charge as is the case at present.
10. Defence
Britain's defence forces should be for the purpose of defending the nation, yet they are
increasingly being converted into a facility for international social work in accordance with the
prevailing belief that Britain should attempt to interfere in other countries' internal disputes.
Another dangerous development with many parallels in the past is a false tendency to believe
that no major threat to Britain lies even on the horizon following the collapse of communism.
Thus the armed forces can be run down or converted into organisations serving a different
purpose than meeting the threat from hostile military forces. History suggests that sooner or
later the latter will be required even if it is impossible to see from which direction the threat will
come.
Who would have expected Britain to go to war over Poland in 1939 or The Falklands in 1982?
11. Agriculture
Agriculture enjoys a unique position in our national life in two respects.
Food production is clearly of strategic importance. A country dependent on imported food is at
the mercy of unexpected events, yet the logic of the present treatment of the countryside
appears to be to regard it as akin to the position of manufacturing in the hierachy of
importance. If cheaper food can be obtained from abroad then, over a period, it does not
matter if the farming industry disappears or becomes a tiny enterprise feeding a niche market
for specialist foodstuffs like unusual cheeses. The Freedom Party is entirely opposed to these
trends and wishes to make it a national commitment that farming remain a key national
industry.
The importance of agriculture is not only in food production. Farming is also husbandry of that
great national resource the countryside and its traditions - which are likely on present trends
only to be appreciated when they have disappeared. On this second ground our party is fully
committed to the countryside and its welfare.
12. The Demographics of the Nation
Britain in one of the most densely populated countries in the world, yet we increasingly hear
that European countries require an influx of tens of millions of new citizens from abroad.
This is to be achieved despite the dubious morality of encouraging skilled workers - who figure
highly in the programme put forward - to come to Britain from developing countries. Those
countries are now increasingly complaining that their development is being threatened by the
erosion of their skills base by foreign recruiters. At the same time, older British workers suffer
extraordinary levels of exclusion from the labour market despite the improving health of the
population.
Where genuine surpluses exist in other countries in particular skills, and shortages in Britain,
there may be a case for temporary work permits to be issued but this should not lead to
permanent residence. Local shortages in particular industries in our or any country will occur
from time to time with a changing economy, but the market can, in principle, soon deal with
these labour shortfalls. Shortages of information technology workers are a current
preoccupation of the media. There are also a very large number of people taking courses in this
area who will soon join the workforce.
It is a fact that the support ratio - the ratio between workers and dependents will fall in the
coming decades. What is less often mentioned is that the same process has been occurring for
the last century. It is predicted that without a massive new influx of foreign workers alarming
consequences are inevitable, with frightening pictures currently being painted of people forced
to work into their eighties in order to avoid national starvation.
The problem in Britain is not one of workers being forced into employment at ages when they
would prefer to retire but of precisely the opposite - the multitudes who are deprived of
employment long before the current standard retirement age. The present government (2001)
has itself identified about five million people from among the existing workforce as being
'parked' on benefits.
The fact of the matter is that the decline in the support ratio will be far outstripped by the
increases in output from the economy as a result of new and more efficient methods of
production. That is precisely what has occurred for the last century, and the alarmist
predictions are a fraud on the public intended to conceal an entirely different agenda which
wishes to see a greater mingling of populations as an end in itself. A similar fraud is employed
to demonstrate the impracticality of linking pensions to national income.
There are considerable reserves of labour capacity available to the economy which should be
tapped into before seeking foreign labour. Tapping those resources is a matter of removing
artificial restrictions on their employment - age limits on jobs are an example - and providing
incentives where necessary to encourage older workers in particular to prolong their
participation.
There is no core 'demographic bomb' requiring heroic measures like further mass immigration!
Concerning those seeking asylum in this country, we believe that the few with a genuine case
for asylum should be accepted subject to their returning to their countries of origin if the
situation which created their plight should change.
It is vital that illegal immigrants should be expelled from Britain, since their presence without
challenge encourages more illegals to enter the country. It is also vital that penalties should be
vigorously enforced against employers who hire illegal immigrants as cheap labour - something
now common in many parts of the country.
13. The Family
The Freedom Party is convinced that the family, with all its imperfections and difficulties, is the
best social unit within which children may be raised and mutual assistance provided between
individuals.
Yet it is now the practice of government to pay lip service to this principle, while withdrawing
fiscal support from the family which is to be downgraded merely to be an arrangement among
many others of no particular merit in itself. The fact that men and women bring different and
complementary skills to the family is also being ignored as a part of a general trend towards
denying sexual difference.
We wish to see increasing support for the family not only as a desirable social phenomenon in
general, but also in order to ensure that the ratio between those of working age and those
requiring support - children and older people - does not become a serious difficulty. Increasing
the birth rate is not by any means impractical, and government can do much to bring this
about.
14. The Media
A free media is an essential protection for any free society.
The basic condition for an effective democracy is not solely the ability to vote but also a public
which can make well-informed choices at the ballot box. The more centralised any nation's
media becomes the less it is likely to fulfill such a role in informing us - in a similar manner to
which a monopoly of any productive industry is likely to damage the service it provides to the
public.
The media in Britain is all too often a provider of propaganda masquerading as journalism. Our
media serves mainly as an agency supporting hegemony of the main parties, while changes to
the relative favour in which they are held serve to give a misleading impression of independent
review. The media serves as a part of the apparatus of elective dictatorship.
Voices from outside the main parties are systematically either ignored or abused as a threat to
the establishment. Power without a full sense of responsibility is characteristic of the present
media. The media in Britain is also increasingly both foreign-owned and centralised in the
hands of international media conglomerates.
What is required is a wider range of independent outlets to break the cultural hegemony of the
conglomerates, and the restoration of media ownership to British hands. This may be achieved
in two ways - by preventing concentration of ownership of many titles in few hands, and by
ensuring that entirely independent sources can obtain access to outlets.
Local radio licences, for example, should be made available as a priority to those who wish to
express more traditional value systems. There may well be a case for support in the form of
grants or loans to be made available for this purpose and for the establishment of new printed
publications. Sweden has such a system. Adoption of a system akin to that in France in which
distributors of printed material are regarded as 'common carriers' with responsibility to ensure
distribution of material offered by any publisher would be desirable.
The media - particularly television - commonly applies far more stringent standards of their
own device to what is considered suitable to be heard by the public than does the law. It is
essential that such arbitrary control of the flow of ideas by politically packed organisations be
eroded or that alternative and competing avenues should be available to ensure adequate
diversity of expression.
15. Culture and Environment
Britain possesses an astonishing cultural heritage - from Elizabethan buildings and the legacy of
the Industrial Revolution to its wealth of centuries of literary genius, music and art.
The popularity of our heritage is well-expressed in the vast membership of the National Trust
and the numeracy of our museums and groups which campaign for protection of the heritage,
but government has not placed the same importance upon such matters as the public do.
In the architectural field, the worst vandalism of the 1960s is thankfully behind us during which
endless towns had their character destroyed in the name of development, but that has had its
place taken by a lack of care for the countryside. Erosion of the Green Belt, and road schemes
which are undertaken in the teeth of the destruction of areas of natural beauty, are the principal
current concerns.
In the fields of fine art, theatre and literature a 'cultural cringe' has appeared. Art is increasingly
expected to fit into a processed model which owes more to embarrassment about Britishness
and a fear of offence than to any search for quality. Television drama often appears written by
computer to ensure its politically correct qualities, with stock characters and events thought
necessary to make it inoffensive to anyone. We doubt whether any of the great literature of the
past could have been written if its creators had had such requirements as the price of
publication.
The Freedom Party wishes to see our native cultural expression supported by government and
freed from the formulas of the political correctness tyranny.
16. Transport
All parties would probably agree that greater use of public transport rather than the private car
is desirable.
At present, the above principle is commonly being employed to justify covert taxation of the
private motorist while the public transport alternative remains inadequate. Where public
transport is overloaded or absent the private car assists the functioning of the economy and this
should be recognised. If approved by the electorate, taxation should be raised in an open and
accountable manner rather than by employment of pious sounding devices intended to avoid a
raising of general taxation by normal means.
Public transport should be enhanced as a matter of urgency, and we recognise the limitations of
schemes of transport privatisation involving division of responsibility between private
companies.
5 April 2005